THE PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF CRIMEA: SERGEY AKSYONOV

INTERNET SOURCE: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sergey_Aksyonov

Sergey Aksyonov Сергей Аксёнов
Sergey Aksyonov at a meeting with Russian PM, Dmitry Medvedev
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Crimea
Incumbent
Assumed office 18 March 2014
President	Vladimir Putin
Governor	Himself (since 14 April 2014)
Preceded by	Position established
Head of the Republic of Crimea
Incumbent
Assumed office 14 April 2014
President	Vladimir Putin
Preceded by	Position introduced
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Crimea Self-appointed
In office 27 February 2014 – 17 March 2014
President	Not approved
Preceded by	post created
Succeeded by	Position abolished
Personal details
Born	Sergey Valeryevich Aksyonov 26 November 1972 (age 42) Bălți, Soviet Union (now Moldova)
Political party	Russian Unity United Russia
Children	2
Religion	Russian Orthodoxy

Sergey Valeryevich Aksyonov (Russian: Сергей Валерьевич Аксёнов, Ukrainian: Сергій Валерійович Аксьонов, Romanian: Serghei Valerievici Aksionov; born November 26, 1972) is the Prime Minister of the Republic of Crimea which is an internationally disputed federal subject of the Russian Federation located on the Crimean Peninsula.

Biography

Sergey Aksyonov was born in Bălți in the Moldovan SSR on 26 November 1972. His father was the leader of a group called the Russian Community of Northern Moldova in Bălți.

In 1989 he moved to Crimea and enrolled in a college for military engineers in Simferopol, however the fall of the Soviet Union occurred before he could graduate from the academy to become a Soviet Army officer. He then refused to swear an oath of allegiance to Ukraine, which he considered 'an unjustly severed appendage of Russia'.

From 1993—1998 he was deputy director of a company named Ellada, a business related to food products. From October 1998 to March 2001 he was deputy director of the Asteriks company, and since April 2001 he has been deputy director of the Eskada company. Aksyonov is also the head of Crimea's Greco-Roman wrestling organization, Sports club Hwarang-do. His Ukrainian passport Aksyonov received on August 12, 1997.

Alleged links to organized crime

Sources have alleged that Aksyonov served in the mid 1990s as a lieutenant, or overseer, with the nickname "Goblin" in the organized criminal gang "Salem". Aksyonov's connection with the criminal world is acknowledged by the former chief of militsiya in Crimea Hennadiy Moskal (1997-2000). In 1995 some members of Salem had taken office as local deputies, receiving Legislative immunity. “Aksyonov used to work side-by-side with another gang member, Serhiy Voronkov, in the early 1990s. Voronkov is a well-known mafia boss who was released from prison in 2008 and is still doing business in Crimea," said Andrei Yanitskiy, a journalist of Livy Bereh newspaper who investigated Aksyonov. The native of Sevastopol, Yanitskiy alleges that Aksyonov is still a member of the Salem gang.

According to Mikhelson, Aksyonov started his criminal career in the gang "Greki" (Greeks) that was created in Crimea by the Savopulo brothers, and only later Aksyonov switched to more notorious "Salem". In 1994 authorities were suspecting him and Aleksey Zhuk in the killing of Oleg Fenyuk through a contract. Soon, however Greki were liquidated, yet unlike many others Aksyonov managed to survive. The same Zhuk was killed 10 minutes after his phone talk with Aksyonov, which raised some suspicion among the former "partners".

In January of 1996, Aksyonov was wounded after a Volvo in which he was riding overturned on the Simferopol-Moscow highway during a shootout. However, according to official documents the intended target was Samhan Mazahir-oglu Agaev (nickname "Sani"). Beside Agaev and Aksyonov, in the vehicle also were Aleksandr Bogomol and Pahrutdin Aliev. The hit was conducted with automatic weapon by militants of the Greki gang Ruslan and Rusel from Yevpatoria who were driving a black Samara. The hit was contracted by Ivan Savopulo. Both Ruslan and Rusel were arrested on January 24, 1996, but soon were released due to lack of evidence.

In 1997 chief of Bakhchysarai patrolling unit Berezhnoi claimed that Aksyonov, with a former Major of militsiya Vladimir Berenshtein ("Ben"), killed a chief of Crimea network of heat supply Kuzin and a director of alcoholic factory. A HUBOZ operative stated that Aksyonov kept close relations with Sergei Voronkov ("Voronok") and the "godfather" of Salem Vyacheslav Sheviev (leader of Party of Economic Revival). Coincidentally, members of the Party of Economic Revival were involved in establishing of the Azerbaijani separatist organization Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.

Around that time Aksyonov started to buy and stockpile weapons. There is suspicion that the regional office of General Prosecutor of Ukraine received $60,000 to discontinue the investigation into the murder of Volodymyr Tykhonchuk. Aksyonov also received all the assets of Agaev who was killed in spring of 1997. By 1998 both Salem and Bashmaki had become the most powerful gangs in Crimea and the President of Ukraine was forced to send special operations units of militsiya and Security Service of Ukraine to restore order in the region.

In 2010, Aksyonov sued Mikhail Bakharev, vice speaker of the Crimean parliament, for making statements of this kind. Although the court of the original jurisdiction ruled for Aksyonov and demanded that Bakharev publish a retraction, the decision was overturned by an appellate court which determined that there was no evidence to disprove the allegations. Andriy Senchenko, a Crimean member of Verkhovna Rada from Batkivshchyna party alleged that Aksyonov was involved in these activities together with Supreme Council Chairman, Vladimir Konstantinov. Senchenko alleges that “there were reports that he participated in the contract killing of (Volodymyr) Tykhonchuk [in 2004], then head of Crimean State Securities Commission, and before that in the killing of head of State Property Fund (Oleksiy) Golovizin [in 1997].” Aksyonov was investigated by the police in both murders, but has never been prosecuted. Senchenko believes Aksyonov managed to evade criminal responsibility due to his connections on the peninsula.

During an armed occupation of the Crimean parliament by Russian forces under his command, Aksyonov was voted into office following a vote of no confidence in the new Ukrainian government. Already having well documented links to organized crime, since March 5, 2014 he has been wanted by the Ukrainian Security Service after being charged under Part 1 of Article 109 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine ("Actions aimed at the violent overthrow, change of constitutional order, or the seizure of state power").

Political career

As a resident of Moldova, on 10 January 2003 Aksyonov was granted the Russian citizenship.

His political career in Crimea started in 2008. In that year he became a member of "Russian Community of Crimea" ("Русская община Крыма") and a member of public organisation "Civic Asset of Crimea" ("Гражданский актив Крыма").

In 2008-2009, Aksyonov borrowed almost $5 million from Mykola Kirilchuk, a former Crimean minister of industry, to develop the Russian Unity party, Kirilchuk states. Kirilchuk has since fled Crimea and has been trying to get his money back though the court system since. Since 2009 he has been a member of the board in Гражданский актив Крыма, co-president of Coordinating Council «За русское единство в Крыму!» ("For Russian Unity in Crimea!"), leader of All-Crimean public political movement Russian Unity ("Русское единство").

Since 2010 he was a deputy of the Supreme Council of Crimea, elected as a member of Russian Unity, which had 4% of votes (warranting 3 seats of total 100 in Crimean parliament) during elections into Supreme Council of Crimea.

During a talk show (of the TV channel ATR) on 3 March 2012 Aksyonov stated about a possible accession of Crimea to Russia: "I think the time for this process has already passed. Today we live in Ukraine. I have an Ukrainian passport, Ukrainian citizenship, so all problems should be discussed only in friendly relations between our countries".

Signing of the Treaty on the adoption of the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol to Russia. Left to right: S. Aksyonov, V. Konstantinov, V. Putin and A. Chalyi.

Prime minister of Crimea

Main article: 2014 Crimean crisis

Following the Ukrainian revolution, on February 27 an emergency session was held in the Crimean legislature while it was occupied by armed Crimea’s self-defense forces. After sealing the doors and confiscating all mobile phones, the MPs who had been invited by Aksyonov to enter the building, passed the motion in the presence of the gunmen armed with Kalashnikov's and rocket launchers. The result was that 55 of 64 votes elected Aksyonov Prime Minister. Various media accounts have disputed whether he was able to gather a quorum of 50 of his peers before the session convened that day, and some Crimean legislators who were registered as present have said they did not come near the building. Others denied being in the city, and that duplicate voting cards stolen from parliament's safe were used in their name. Opposition deputies have avoided speaking out publicly out of fear of reprisal, and due to threats received. Crimean Prime Minister Anatolii Mohyliov was barred from attending the session.

Under the Ukrainian constitution, the prime minister of Crimea is appointed by the autonomous republic's parliament following consultations with the president of Ukraine. The director of the information analysis department of the legislature's secretariat, Olha Sulnikova, has stated that an agreement exists with ousted president Viktor Yanukovych. The interim president of Ukraine, Oleksandr Turchynov decreed the appointment of Aksyonov as the head of the government of Crimea to be unconstitutional.

On March 5, 2014, the Shevchenko district court of Kiev issued a warrant for Aksyonov and Vladimir Konstantinov's arrest, and the Security Service of Ukraine was charged to bring them to court.

Due to the Crimean crisis he was put on the Canadian, the EU and the US sanction lists, 17 March 2014. His assets in these countries were frozen, and Aksyonov was banned from entering these countries.

In the 2014 Crimean parliamentary election Aksyonov ran as a candidate for United Russia; because, according to himself, "The Popular Front" had delegated him to the United Russia party list.

Domestic policy

Aksyonov has promised that Ukrainian would cease to be an official language if Crimea joined Russia. “We use two languages on a daily basis – Russian and Crimean Tatar,” Aksyonov said. “It’s certain that the republic [of Crimea] will have two languages.” Aksyonov's main goals for the immediate future of Crimea is to "use the funds, allocated for construction of infrastructures, for healthcare, energy and so on." Aksyonov has also pushed for the Kerch Strait Bridge to be completed by 2018.

Tatar minority

Sergey Aksyonov has led efforts to stamp out dissent among ethnic Crimean Tatars over the annexation, saying “All activities aimed at non-recognition of Crimea’s joining to Russia and non-recognition of the leadership of the country will face prosecution under the law and we will take a very tough stance on this.”

Homosexuals

Aksyonov says homosexuals "have no chance" in Crimea, and that "we in Crimea do not need such people." He also promised that if gays tried to hold public gatherings, "our police and self-defense forces will react immediately and in three minutes will explain to them what kind of sexual orientation they should stick to."

WOMEN SOLDIERS OF THE SPARTA BATTALION

                I will post information about women soldiers in the Sparta Battalion from some internet source.

 

Margarita Maimur, Irina Zarubina and Dasha Savich (from left to right), fighters of the Sparta battalion of Russian-backed militants, patrolling Donetsk.

[PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/kremlins-warriors-ready-to-kill-383960.html & http://ukrainia.com.au/2015/03/20/kremlins-warriors-ready-to-kill/]

INTERNET SOURCE: http://ukrainia.com.au/2015/03/20/kremlins-warriors-ready-to-kill/

INTERNET SOURCE: http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/kremlins-warriors-ready-to-kill-383960.html

Kremlin’s Warriors Want To Take Lviv

March 20, 2015, 1:54 p.m. | Ukraine — by Danilo Elia

DONETSK, Ukraine – Ryzhik, Gaika and Dasha are three friends who, until recently, dressed like other young women. Now they no longer choose their clothes: They just don military uniforms, pick up their Kalashnikovs and put in another day of work with the Russian-backed Sparta Battalion in Donetsk.

The battalion is headed by Russian citizen Arseniy Pavlov, a famous separatist leader better known as Motorola.

Sparta’s female soldiers and their friends have outlandish plans to march on Lviv and they even joke about conquering European countries. They claim to be defenders of their homeland, although their pro-Ukrainian acquaintances say they are merely helping the Russian aggressors. A feeling of sadness is evident when they speak about their friends who chose to be on Ukraine’s side in the war.

Irina Zarubina is the youngest of the three. She is only 17, and her nom-de-guerre is “Ryzhik” (Red). “My family is now in Horlivka,” she says, adjusting her machine gun at the shoulder strap. “But I prefer to stay here in Donetsk. With my fellow soldiers. Now my life is here, together with my husband.”

Dasha Savich, 19, married a soldier during the war, too. She is a doctor. She was on duty at the airport in Donetsk in January, but only for a short time. “It was very dangerous,” she says. “I was afraid, of course. It’s better to stay here safe.”

Margarita Maimur is the oldest of the three. She is 20. Her nom-de-guerre is “Gaika” (Gadget Hackwrench, as in Disney character). And she too got married during the war with a soldier.

They talked in a central Donetsk cafe popular among Kremlin-backed militants. Camouflage uniforms and AK-47 assault rifles look eerie next to families sitting at tables with TVs showing music videos.

The barracks of their battalion are right around the corner. In the courtyard, tanks and armored personnel carriers are parked and repaired, while many other weapons are stocked inside. It is not rare that, while sipping tea, the teapot trembles as tanks drive by.

“We’re like a big family, and that’s our big house,” says Zarubina. “Our husbands are there, and also our new friends. Even Motorola, our commander, is like a family member. We call him Dad.”

Zarubina and Maimur have medals pinned to their chests.

“We were awarded these for defending the city of Sloviansk,” Maimur says, referring to its siege by Ukrainian troops in April-July 2014. “I’m from Sloviansk as well. I was there before enlisting in the Sparta Battalion. We controlled the city for three months. Three months in peace, before the Ukrainians bombed us.”

Sloviansk was initially seized by Russian mercenaries and local insurgents in April 2014. Russian citizen Igor Strelkov, who has been identified by Ukraine’s Security Service as an ex-officer of Russia’s Main Intelligence Directorate, led the operation and said last year that he “pulled the trigger” of the war in eastern Ukraine and takes responsibility for starting it.

Ryzhik, Gaika and Dasha agreed to be joined on a patrol of the northern outskirts of Donetsk, riding in a car with Kalashnikovs and grenade launchers.

Vladimir, Dasha’s husband, is behind the wheel.

“We are winning this war, you know?” he says, speeding through the empty streets of the Kyivsky district. “We will first take the whole of Donbas, and then we will get to Poland.”

“But we first have to take Lviv,” Dasha corrects him.

“Yes, Lviv, then Warsaw, and then we will even come to you, in Italy,” Vladimir adds.

Now that the ceasefire is in place and shells do not hit the city every day, the destroyed Donetsk airport is not such a risky place to be.

  

An unexploded Grad missile is stuck in the asphalt of Kyivsky Prospect and must be detonated.

Gaika shakes her head. “There, you see why I decided to enroll?” she says. “I wanted to do something for us, for our people. It is not right to bomb the city and its inhabitants. When children die, when your relatives die, you know that it’s time to fight. And I want to fight.”

The Kremlin narrative is that the separatists are defending their hometowns from Ukrainian troops. Pro-Kyiv Ukrainians dismiss the claims as a facade to mask Russia’s direct aggression and de facto occupation.

Old billboards dangle in the wind, with an ominous creak, on nearly deserted streets with damaged buildings all around.

On patrol, several checkpoints exist on the way to the former airport. Someone fires a warning shot from a Kalashnikov. Journalists are not welcome. Gaika calms them down, saying that everything is under control and that their positions will not be photographed.

“These are tanks taken from the Ukrainians. They do not want them to be published,” she says.

The ruins of the Donetsk Airport are a few hundred yards away. Despite the Feb. 15 truce, mortars continue to hit the area occasionally.

Here the Sparta Battalion fought one of the most symbolic battles of the war. The takeover of the Donetsk airport by the Kremlin-backed militants in January was a blow to the morale of Ukrainian troops who defended it for months.

“I was here in January,” Dasha says. “You know, for me it all started in a hospital at the beginning of the war. I worked there for three weeks, but every day I had the feeling I wasn’t doing enough. So I went to Motorola and I enrolled in the Sparta Battalion. There was Ryzhik—she immediately accepted me—and then I also met Gaika and we became good friends as well as fellow soldiers.”

“You know, in Sloviansk I still have a lot of friends who support Ukraine. Well, I used to… Because since I came to fight here in Donetsk they don’t want to hear from me anymore. They say they that I’m a separatist, that I’ve become a terrorist, that I fight against my homeland. But my homeland is this one, Donbass, Novorossia.”

A car approaches. Two gunmen get out and stare grimly at us. No one here has their ranks on their insignia and you never know who is the highest in the hierarchy. “If you want to stay here, those are not enough,” says one of the soldiers, pointing at the Kalashnikovs. The other one pulls a couple of bazookas out of the car trunk and passes them to the women.

“Do you know how to use this?” he asks Gaika. She shakes her head no. “Well, remove the safety catch, this way. Then put it on your shoulder, raise the viewfinder, point, pull the trigger and … hasta la vista.”

All of them laugh out loud.

The road that runs from the airport to the northern side of the station is a desolate landscape of fallen trees and bombed buildings. Asphalt is marked with tank treads. Vladimir drives, avoiding the fallen logs and grenade craters.

The route takes the group past the heavily damaged train station and the suburb of Kuybishevsky, where those who could not flee elsewhere continue to live, despite the shelling. Gaika, Ryzhik and Dasha’s words about victory and peace are not consistent with the destruction and devastation around.

Back at base, a tank passes at high speed and disappears behind the high gate. They say Motorola was on board, back from the war front. The women are in a hurry to return. Before they, too, disappear behind the gate, Ryzhik requests: “Please, when you write, say that we are not terrorists. Maybe our friends on the other side will read it.”