Ten
years ago on this date, 23 June 2006, Yuri Chaika was sworn in as the 6th
Prosecutor General of Russia. I will post information about him from Wikipedia
and other links.
Yury Chaika
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Incumbent
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Assumed
office
23 June 2006 |
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President
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Preceded by
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Personal
details
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Born
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21 May 1951
Nikolayevsk-on-Amur, Khabarovsk Krai, Soviet Union |
Occupation
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Attorney
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Yury Yakovlevich Chaika (Russian: Юрий Яковлевич Чайка) is the current Prosecutor General of Russia.
Career
Chaika
began his career as an electrician in a shipyard. After serving in the army, he
graduated from Sverdlovsk Institute of Law in 1976 and began work at Irkutsk
Oblast Prosecutor's Office where he served as an investigator and a deputy
district prosecutor. In 1983 he became head of the investigations at the East
Siberian Transport Prosecutor's Office.
From
1984 to 1992 Chaika worked in various positions for the Irkutsk Oblast
Prosecutor's Office, the regional Communist Party and the East Siberian Transport
Prosecutor's Office. In 1992 he was appointed Irkutsk Oblast prosecutor.
In
1995 he became first deputy Russian prosecutor general. He was appointed by
then Prosecutor General Yury Skuratov, his former classmate from Sverdlosk
Institute of Law. Following Skuratov's suspension, Chaika served as acting
prosecutor general for a brief spell between April and August 1999. From August
1999 to June 2006 he served as justice minister.
On
23 June 2006, Chaika became Russian prosecutor general, effectively swapping
jobs with his predecessor Vladimir
Ustinov who took up the post of justice minister.
Notable cases
On
14 June 2006, the Prosecutor General's Office reported that it had reopened the
"Three Whales" corruption
investigation, a case in which nineteen high-ranking FSB
(Federal Security Service) officers were allegedly involved in furniture
smuggling cases, as well as illegally importing consumer goods from China. The mass
media revealed that the officials dismissed around that time had worked in the
Moscow and federal offices of the FSB, the Prosecutor General's Office, the
Moscow Regional Prosecutor's Office, the Federal Customs Service and the Presidential Executive Office.
Deputy heads of the FSB Internal Security Department also figured in the report
authored by Viktor Cherkesov. The purge occurred while FSB
head Nikolai Patrushev was on vacation. [1],
[2],
[3], [4], [5]
On
27 December 2006, he accused Leonid
Nevzlin, a former vice president of Yukos, exiled in Israel and wanted
by the Russian authorities for a long time, of involvement in Alexander Litvinenko poisoning, a charge dismissed by the
latter as a nonsense. [6]
On
16 January 2007, Chaika announced that the Tambov
Gang had recently forcefully taken over 13 large enterprises in Saint
Petersburg and was subject to an investigation. [7], [8]. The
leader of the gang, Vladimir Kumarin, was arrested on 24 August 2007.
His associate and member of Putin's cooperative "Ozero" Vladimir Smirnov was dismissed from
his position of Tekhsnabexport director. [9]
On
1 December 2015 Alexey Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK)
published a large investigation on Yuri Chaika, and his family. The Report
comes with a 40 minute film. An English version of the film was published on
two months later. On 3 February 2016, the group Pussy Riot
released a satirical music video titled Chaika, alluding to Navalny's
findings.
INTERNET
SOURCE: https://meduza.io/en/feature/2015/05/19/the-most-draconian-law-yet
The most draconian law yet Everything
you need to know about Russia’s new legislation against ‘undesirable
organizations’
Meduza
21:37, 19 may 2015
On May 19, the Russian
Duma approved a third and final draft of legislation that criminalizes
“undesirable organizations.” If the Federation Council and President endorse
the bill, any foreign or international NGO that the government declares
“undesirable” will be banned from working in Russia. All an organization’s
subsidiaries will be closed, its accounts frozen, and its supervisors and staff
can even face civil and criminal penalties. For all Russia’s recent laws in
this vein, the “undesirable organizations” bill is still unprecedentedly
draconian, and the power it grants authorities to ban NGOs is extrajudicial. Meduza breaks down the most
important facets of legislation that is likely to change Russia's NGO landscape
dramatically.
How does the Russian
government justify this law?
Not
without confusion. Some Duma deputies believe that certain destructive organizations—supposed
platforms for terrorist, extremist, and nationalist ideas—are threatening the
country with “color revolutions” and attempting to sow interethnic and
sectarian conflict.
The
legislation’s authors admit that the state already has instruments to combat
terrorist, extremist, and nationalist organizations, but they consider them
insufficient. In the future, deputies are certain, Russia will need to prevent
even the “emergence of conditions that facilitate the activities of such
foreign organizations,” which threaten the country’s “fundamental values.”
How do officials decide
which organizations are “undesirable”?
It’s
hard to say. The law states that foreign and international organizations can be
declared “undesirable” for “presenting a threat to the basic constitutional
order of the Russian Federation, its defense capability, or its state
security.”
The
Attorney General’s office would play the main role. It will be tasked with
deciding when and if to add an organization to the list of “undesirables,”
while working in conjunction with the relevant law enforcement agencies. These
decisions will likely be made in cooperation with the Ministry of Internal
Affairs, but the specifics of this process remain unclear. The procedure could
boil down to the Attorney General’s office simply notifying the police of its
decision.
An
organization becomes “undesirable” just as soon as the Justice Ministry makes
the announcement on its website. In other words, the Justice Ministry will need
to create a special list, similar to the list of “foreign-agent NGOs” is
operates now.
The
Russian government can’t close down foreign and international organizations. An
“undesirable” organization’s Russian subsidiaries are shut down and the parent
group is not allowed to establish new ones.
Blacklisted
organizations can appeal the decision in court. The Attorney General also has
the prerogative to exclude an organization from the list itself.
Can commercial
organizations be labeled “undesirable”?
Yes.
After the bill’s first draft, lawmakers declined to clarify its language,
leaving the it ambiguous about whether commercial organizations are vulnerable.
In other words, there is nothing to stop the authorities from applying this law
to businesses.
The
law is, generally speaking, surprisingly vague. The term “foreign
non-government organization” is not defined under other Russian laws and it’s
not entirely clear what it means here, either. Many believe that
“non-government” and “non-commercial” organizations are one and the same. It is
also not entirely clear why the lawmakers didn’t use the term more common term
in Russian legal language: “foreign non-commercial, non-governmental
organization.”
Will an organization be
able to work without being legally incorporated in Russia, through the use of
freelancers, for example?
No.
Anyone working for an “undesirable” organization—including in an unofficial
capacity—faces fines of up to 15,000 rubles (about $300) for ordinary citizens,
up to 50,000 rubles ($1,000) for officials, and up to 100,000 rubles ($2,000)
for the organization itself. Criminal proceedings will be initiated against
repeat offenders and the punishments can be even harsher, with fines of up to
500,000 rubles ($10,000) and prison sentences ranging from two and six years.
“Undesirable”
organizations are also forbidden from holding public events (which can mean
anything from seminars to protests) and from possessing or distributing
promotional materials, including via mass media. It’s not entirely clear from
the text of the law, but it appears that the ban on possession and distribution
affects not only members of the organization, but also ordinary citizens.
In
addition, all Russian banks and financial institutions are forbidden from
cooperating with “undesirable” organizations and they are required to inform
Russia’s financial watchdog agency about any such organizations that attempt to
contact them.
Will foreign employees
also be held responsible under the law?
Yes.
The civic and criminal codes don’t apply to Russian citizens only. For
foreigners who take part in the work of “undesirable” organizations, the
authorities can fall back on additional measures: they can be ban these people
from entering Russia.
Who can end up on the
list?
No
one really knows. Judging by the legislation’s memoranda and the transcripts
from discussions of the bill, Russian lawmakers are relying on the same logic
they used to create a registry and additional regulations on so-called “foreign
agents.” Noncommercial, foreign-funded organizations can, according to the
Duma, threaten Russia’s security insofar as they “act at the beck and call of
their masters overseas.”
The
law against “foreign agents” affected a large number of NGOs, including those
that criticize the policies of the Russian authorities, defend human rights, or
monitor elections. Clearly the law against “undesirable” organizations is
directed at NGOs with similar mandates, but in this case it targets foreign and
international groups, not merely Russian outfits.
What is the likelihood
of this law being passed?
Extremely
high. Judging by other highly-politicized initiatives in recent times (such as
the ban on US Citizens adopting Russian children and the ban on “propagandizing
non-traditional sexual relations”), laws of this sort rarely raise questions in
the Federation Council (the upper house of Russia’s parliament) or with
President Putin, both of whom need to approve the bill, in order to make it
law.
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